The year 2026 begins under the most geopolitical auspices. The war in Ukraine still sets the European security horizon. In Caracas, the American intervention reminds us that Latin America is once again a terrain for projecting power, while Cuba returns to the heart of Washington's hemispheric reading. Greenland emerges from the margins to become a disputed territory, at the crossroads of the Arctic, critical resources, and new maritime routes, to the great dismay of Europeans and perhaps at the cost of the Atlantic alliance. Even far from the front lines, realpolitik structures the strategy of the major economic blocs.

In this landscape, the Sino-American rivalry is fully multidimensional: military in the Indo-Pacific, technological on value chains and data, financial and normative in institutions and economic forums. It permeates most global issues and can be read between the lines in the agendas of the major platforms. France will host the G7 in Évian in June, with an ambitious agenda for macroeconomic refoundation between the United States, Europe, and China, followed by a Paris Peace Forum in November that will extend and broaden the debates.

For their part, the United States will chair a G20 in Miami in an assumed "America First" logic, centered on American economic, technological, and energy interests, while China will organize the 2026 APEC leaders' summit in Shenzhen, in a format where the United States is a member and where the economic balance of the Asia-Pacific is at stake. Beijing and Moscow are at the heart of the expanded BRICS, while the G77 and other Global South forums seek to weigh more on the definition of common rules.

Around this core, an archipelago of more or less informal platforms unfolds: the Davos Forum, the Munich Security Conference, the MED-Dialogues, or the Paris Peace Forum in Europe; the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, the Raisina Dialogue in India, or the Indo-Pacific Forum inspired by Shinzo Abe in the Indo-Pacific; the Doha Forum in Qatar and the Future Investment Initiative in Saudi Arabia in the Gulf; not forgetting the Forum of the Americas, which organizes, in the Americas and every year in Paris, structuring conferences on economic issues. Each meeting adds speeches, but above all aggregates signals: real priorities of the great powers, margins of compromise, red lines.

For companies, whether in the agri-food, energy, health, or new technology sectors, these platforms are no longer mere scenes for global communication. They are places where, in an informal but very concrete way, the evolutions of the legal order and operational constraints are prepared: sanctions regimes and export controls, treatment of investments, climate and digital standards, security of value chains, market access. They do not just discuss principles, but parameters that will eventually shape contracts, compliance, taxation, and sectoral risk management.

Therefore, one cannot "participate" in these platforms without structured geopolitical analysis. Without it, a company may be present in the wrong place, at the wrong time, or with the wrong narrative: find itself instrumentalized in a power game it does not master, underestimate the future impact of a position taken, or miss a regulatory turning point announced in passing in these venues. Conversely, an enlightened presence, supported by a fine analysis of power relations, allows choosing its forums, alliances, and messages, in coherence with its risks, sectors, and priorities.

This is precisely the dynamic and informed participation that we prepare our clients for, from the WEF to the COP, from the MSC to the Climate Week, from the Doha Forum to the APEC summit, from the French G7 to the American G20, and during major multilateral events, by equipping them with the elements of analysis, networks, and languages they need to make the most of their engagement, and thus contributing to structuring an ever more refined policy positioning to better serve, protect, and develop their activity.